I approached the Oxfordshire Joint Health Overview & Scrutiny Committee Team with a Request For Scrutiny of the ICB's Actions

I Took My NHS Sterilisation Battle to Health Scrutiny. What Can They Actually Do?

TL;DR

On 23 July 2026, I formally asked Oxfordshire's Joint Health Overview and Scrutiny Committee to scrutinise NHS Thames Valley ICB's female sterilisation policy and the wider governance failures surrounding it.

Health scrutiny committees exist to allow democratically elected local councillors to examine how NHS services are planned, commissioned and delivered. They can demand relevant information, require NHS representatives to attend and answer questions, investigate issues publicly, make recommendations and require a written response from the NHS.

What they cannot do is simply order the ICB to rewrite its policy. Their power is scrutiny, exposure, evidence and political accountability rather than direct enforcement.

After almost two months of correspondence, on 11 September 2026 I was told that the Committee had decided to hold a public meeting item on women's health, most likely on 11 February 2027, which will include female sterilisation.

You can read the full correspondence and supporting documents in my Evidence Folder.

Why did I approach a council committee about an NHS policy?

By July 2026, my dispute with the NHS had long stopped being simply about what happened to me in 2022.

The Parliamentary and Health Service Ombudsman had already investigated my case and found serious problems with the way the previous female sterilisation policy had been developed and applied. The ICB had subsequently replaced that policy and publicly presented the problem as addressed. Yet when I examined the replacement policy, I found that women still face restrictions that men seeking vasectomy did not.

At the same time, I had been trying to obtain the evidence showing how that replacement policy had actually been developed: its equality analysis, evidence base, approval records and reasoning. My Freedom of Information request had gone overdue, an Internal Review later confirmed that the statutory deadline had been breached, and the information was still not being disclosed.

That combination mattered. I was no longer asking, "Was the decision in my individual case wrong?" I was asking whether a healthcare policy affecting a population of women had been developed fairly, lawfully, transparently and on proper evidence — and whether an NHS organisation that had already been criticised by the Ombudsman had genuinely corrected the underlying problem.

That is precisely the kind of question health scrutiny exists to examine.

So what is a Health Overview and Scrutiny Committee?

Health scrutiny is part of local democratic accountability. In Oxfordshire, the Joint Health Overview and Scrutiny Committee looks at NHS and other health services provided within the county. Unlike most council scrutiny committees, which primarily examine what the council itself is doing, health scrutiny specifically gives elected councillors a mechanism for examining organisations outside the council, particularly NHS bodies.

Government guidance describes the primary purpose of health scrutiny as improving the health of local people and ensuring that their needs are taken into account when health services are commissioned, developed and delivered. It is also an important means through which elected councillors can represent their communities and hold NHS bodies accountable.

That is why I approached them.

What can they actually make the NHS do?

This is where things become important, because "scrutiny" can sound considerably softer than it actually is.

Under the Local Authority (Public Health, Health and Wellbeing Boards and Health Scrutiny) Regulations 2013, health scrutiny bodies have statutory powers to review and scrutinise matters concerning the planning, provision and operation of NHS services. That can include how services are commissioned, how policies operate and even the finances behind healthcare decisions.

They can also require certain NHS bodies — including Integrated Care Boards — to provide information that is reasonably necessary for scrutiny. They can require members and employees of NHS bodies to attend and answer questions. They can hear evidence from patients, clinicians and other organisations, examine competing evidence and conduct their work publicly.

Most importantly, they can produce formal reports and recommendations. If they request a response to those recommendations, the relevant NHS body has a statutory duty to respond in writing within 28 days.

For my case, that creates possibilities that are very different from me emailing the ICB for the forty-somethingth time asking them to explain themselves. Councillors could ask the ICB why women and men have different routes to permanent contraception. They could request the evidence behind the female sterilisation criteria. They could question relevant ICB leaders publicly. They could ask how the Ombudsman's findings were implemented, what equality analysis was conducted, and why the current policy should be considered equitable.

But they cannot simply overturn the policy

This is also not a court.

A Health Overview and Scrutiny Committee cannot look at the policy one afternoon, declare it unlawful and order NHS Thames Valley ICB to replace it the next morning. Its recommendations do not function like a court order.

In that sense, there is an uncomfortable similarity with my experience of the Ombudsman. The Ombudsman can investigate maladministration, reach findings and recommend remedies, but it does not normally issue legally enforceable judgments in the way a court does.

Health scrutiny operates differently, but it also largely relies on accountability rather than direct command. Its strength is that the NHS can be required to provide information, appear publicly, answer questions and formally respond to conclusions reached by democratically elected representatives.

That matters because institutional problems survive surprisingly well in private correspondence. They become considerably harder to dismiss when questions, evidence, answers and recommendations enter a public record.

Getting the issue onto the agenda was a battle of its own

I first contacted the Committee on 23 July 2026 with a detailed written request for scrutiny.

On 7 August, Health Scrutiny Officer Dr Omid Nouri confirmed that he had discussed the matter with the Chair and that female sterilisation and its eligibility criteria were indeed within the Committee's remit. Initially, however, I was directed towards the public-meeting process: I could attend and make a statement of up to three minutes.

I pushed back. Oxfordshire's own scrutiny information allows members of the public to suggest issues for scrutiny, and this was not something that could meaningfully be reduced to three minutes. It involved years of correspondence, an Ombudsman investigation, policy development, equality questions, FOI failures and governance concerns.

On 12 August, I was told my written request would be taken back to the Chair, potentially with the wider Committee involved. The possible outcomes included asking the ICB for a written statement, taking the matter into the Committee's work programme, or deciding not to investigate it.

Then, on 11 September 2026, the answer arrived.

The Committee has decided to hold a public item on Women's Health, most likely at its meeting on 11 February 2027, and I have been told that female sterilisation will be included within it.

And now I put another date in the calendar

11 February 2027 is exactly five months from the day I received that email.

So I have put another pin in my calendar.

And increasingly, that is what this battle looks like. Remember this deadline. Chase that response. Give them until this date. Escalate if nothing arrives. Come back to this person in three weeks. Check whether this review happened. Prepare for February.

There is something profoundly wrong with a healthcare accountability system that can require an ordinary person to become their own investigator, records manager, legal researcher, complaints officer and project manager simply to establish what happened and whether anything has actually changed.

I should never have needed to learn how all of these mechanisms work.

But since I have had to learn, I will document them — because understanding where power sits, what each organisation can actually do, and where its power stops is becoming as much a part of this story as the sterilisation policy itself.

You can follow the documentary trail, including my correspondence with the scrutiny team and the wider evidence behind this case, in the Evidence Folder.

Sources and further reading

  • Department of Health and Social Care, Local authority health scrutiny, statutory framework and guidance on the powers of health scrutiny bodies.
  • Department of Health and Social Care, Local Government Association and Centre for Governance and Scrutiny, Health Overview and Scrutiny Committee Principles.
  • The Local Authority (Public Health, Health and Wellbeing Boards and Health Scrutiny) Regulations 2013.
  • Oxfordshire County Council, Scrutiny at Oxfordshire County Council, including the role of the Joint Health Overview and Scrutiny Committee.
  • My correspondence with Oxfordshire Joint Health Overview and Scrutiny Committee, 23 July–11 September 2026, available through the Evidence Folder.

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